Food security status in all Inuit regions, including Nunavik and Nunatsiavut, is significantly lower than the national average and individuals are reporting challenges in being able to access enough food as well as their preferred foods. As the Inuit diet is comprised of foods from both the store and local environment, food security is influenced by environmental, political, social and economic factors. The specific impacts of climate change and variability on market food transport, storage and distribution or country/wild food availability, accessibility and quality are difficult to predict. However, the relationship between weather variability and other changes in environmental conditions and their influence on country/wild food access in these two regions has been studied under several ArcticNet projects in recent years. Despite the recognized importance of country/wild foods to health and well-being, a decrease in their consumption is being observed over time. Yet, many residents still maintain a strong connection to the land through participation in hunting, fishing and collecting activities. While many residents are reporting that changes in local weather conditions and climatic norms are influencing the distribution or accessibility of key species, experienced hunters have developed certain coping mechanisms that have provided some protection, thus far, from the impacts of these changes on their ability to locate and acquire adequate country food resources. However, the limits of these adaptive strategies are not well understood. Local food support programs may be critical in assisting communities with adaptation to the many pressures on their changing food systems over time.

In many northern communities the diet of residents is made up of a combination of imported food items from outside of the region that are sold in local stores, and local foods harvested from the environment. Items from outside of Nunavik and Nunatsiavut are transported by air, boat, or a combination of these mechanisms into the communities. Foods from the land, sea and freshwater of the region include a diversity of species specific to the community or region.

The current consumption of market and country foods (as they are commonly referred to in Nunavik) or wild foods (as they are commonly referred to in Nunatsiavut; foods from the local environment) varies between and within regions, communities and households. For example, in Nunavik, the proportion of the total diet consisting of country foods is higher among Inuit residents, older aged residents, and those residents living further from a regional centre, such as Kuujjuaq (Kuhnlein et al., 2000; Blanchet et al., 2000; Blanchet and Rochette, 2008; (AMAP) and Programme, 2009). According to surveys done in Nunatsiavut communities, residents consume the largest diversity of wild food compared to other regions (Kuhnlein et al., 2000). The consumption of recommended levels of such market items as fruits and vegetables is considerably lower among northern residents than the national average in Canada and is lowest among Nunavut residents within the Inuit regions (Statistics Canada, 2005). According to survey work done in Kuujjuaq, Nunavik (Bernier, 2003) and Nain, Nunatsiavut (Furgal et al., 2001) access (physical and economic), preference and ease of preparation are key determinants influencing peoples’ food choices of both country foods and store foods in these two regions.

Hunting, fishing and gathering of wild food resources and the subsequent sharing of these items with others in the community are social activities that bring together individuals, families and generations, and are often the focus of celebrations and festivities (Searles, 2002). They form and maintain an important social fabric among individuals which supports community health and well-being. For example, not only is muktuk nutritionally and psychologically beneficial, but its widespread sharing among relatives and between communities creates and sustains the bonds that remain the basis of Inuit social, cultural and economic relationships today (Freeman, 1996). Further, such activities are opportunities for the transfer of knowledge between generations and the maintenance of language, as they necessitate and encourage the use of traditional Inuit knowledge and components of local language, and therefore support the exchange of information about hunting techniques, places and local history while on the land. Despite all of the social, cultural, economic and political changes taking place in Nunavik and Nunatsiavut over recent decades, hunting, fishing and gathering resources from the land and sea continue to be important activities for many residents (Furgal and Rochette, 2007; ITK 2008).

As identified through the Qanuippitaa Inuit Health Survey study results gathered as part of ArcticNet’s research in Nunavik, nearly half (45%) of the Nunavik population classify themselves as “frequent” hunters throughout the year, hunting regularly once a week or more in at least two seasons (Figure 1). Nearly half of the population goes hunting more than once a week in the spring and summer seasons, which are the most active times of year. The level of hunting activity reported by residents varies with age with more men and individuals 50 years of age and older being more active hunters, on average, than others. Similarly, more individuals that are married or living in a couple and those with a higher individual income (61% for people earning more than 40,000$/year, p = 0.001) reported being more actively involved in hunting throughout the year (Furgal and Rochette, 2007). Similar patterns exist among residents in Nunatsiavut (Statistics Canada, 2008; Table 1). As reported by Duhaime et al. (2002), consumption of country foods in Nunavik was highest among those individuals living in a household with a male head of household and a higher total household income. This is indicative of two main determinants in the collection of country food resources; access to an experienced male hunter as well as financial resources to purchase and maintain equipment and supplies for hunting and fishing.

Further, sharing of country foods or wild foods is still very much alive in Inuit communities today. More than half of all Nunavimmiut (57%) reported sharing their catch “often” with other members of their community. Sharing “often” was more commonly reported by men, individuals aged 50 years and over, those having completed secondary school or higher, those who were married or living with a partner, those employed at the time of the survey, and those with a higher personal income (>40,000$/year). Not surprisingly, sharing a catch more often was more regularly reported among those that hunted and fished more frequently.

Fewer Nunavimmiut are regular participants in fishing activities than in hunting activities, but fishing is still widely practiced throughout the region today. One-third of residents (33%) fish frequently, or more than once a week during at least two seasons throughout the year (Figure 1). Approximately half (48%) of the Nunavik population participates in berry collecting at least once a month at some time during the year. As was the case traditionally, this activity is still practiced much more by women than men. Participation in berry collecting also varies with age, marital status, education and personal income. Individuals 50 years of age and older, those who are married or living in a couple, those who have completed elementary school, and those who earn more than 40,000$/year report berry picking more frequently than others (Furgal and Rochette, 2007). Similar data for sharing and participation in hunting and fishing activities in Nunatsiavut communities is currently being collected under various projects in that region.

Because of their importance in terms of physical activity, contribution to the preservation of tradition and culture, and their role in the provision of healthy and nutritious foods, hunting, fishing and collecting activities continue to play an important role in the health and well-being of Nunavik and Nunatsiavut residents today (see Chapter 3). However, despite this importance, both Nunavimmiut and Nunatsiavimmiut have reported changes in environmental conditions and quality of wildlife which have influenced, at times, consumption of some species (Nickels et al., 2005). According to participants in the 2004 Inuit Health Survey, concern for contaminants in wildlife species was not a factor leading to the rejection of any catch. Rather, rejection of species caught was more closely associated with the presence of visible anomalies such as parasites in wildlife tissue. These events appear to be more common in Hudson Bay coastal communities than elsewhere in the region (Furgal and Rochette, 2007).

While hunting, fishing, and gathering of country foods provide the basis for local food production in the North, they also figure prominently in the social fabric and economy of local households and communities. As well, these food items, collected from the land, sea, lakes, and rivers continue to contribute significant amounts of protein to the total diet, and help individuals to meet or exceed daily requirements for several vitamins and essential elements and protect individuals from some forms of cardiovascular disease and contaminant toxicity (see Chapter 3).

Despite the significant importance of these foods, as in so many other Aboriginal populations, residents in Nunavik and Nunatsiavut are increasing the amount of market or store foods consumed in their total diet with time (see Chapter 3). This is especially the case among younger ages and in those communities with greater access to store foods. This shift is resulting in an increased intake of carbohydrates and saturated fats and is projected to change the incidence of ‘western type’ or lifestyle related chronic diseases such as diabetes, cardiovascular disease and some forms of cancers among this population in the future. This shift in diet balance between country/wild foods and market or store foods is influenced by a variety of factors including, but not limited to, increased access to market foods, ease of preparation of processed market items, changes in personal desires and preferences, changes in social norms regarding country/wild foods, increased time spent in wage economy jobs and less individual time spent on the land and available for food preparation (in some communities), costs associated with hunting equipment purchase and maintenance, and environmental change imposing challenges on country/wild food availability and accessibility (Furgal and Seguin, 2006; Alain, 2008).

Food security is a recognized determinant of health for both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal populations (McIntyre et al., 2003). The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) states that food security exists “when all people, at all times, have access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life” (FAO , 1996). Additionally, as argued by Power (2008), “Food insecurity is not only an issue of insufficient amounts of food but also challenges in access to quality food that meets cultural and social desires”.

In Canada, food insecurity is more commonly reported among younger generations, women, single mothers, Northerners and Aboriginal residents (McIntyre et al., 2003; Ledrou and Gervais, 2005; Willows et al., 2011; Willows et al., 2009). People who are food insecure are at an increased risk of being overweight, and having poorer nutritional status, chronic health conditions, mental health challenges and a lower learning capacity (McIntyre et al., 2003; Willows et al., 2011). Residents in northern regions of the country are the most likely to report food insecurity at the household level, with Nunavut, for example, having a rate 4 times higher than the national average (Statistics Canada, 2005) and the worst reported food security status among an Aboriginal population outside of the developing world (Egeland et al., 2011).

Significant levels of food insecurity have been identified in Nunavik and Nunatsiavut, most recently under components of the Inuit Health Survey. ArcticNet-funded research within the Inuit Regional Health Surveys found that in Nunavik, in 2004, nearly one quarter of individuals (24%) stated that they had lacked food during the month prior to the survey. In Nunatsiavut, 46% of households with children were food insecure, with about 16% of households reporting severe food insecurity (Egeland, 2010). Unemployment, low income, high food costs, unavailability of foods, the decrease in consumption of country foods and the lack of nutrition and food choices are reasons for these high levels of food insecurity. The following sections will focus on describing the impacts of environmental change on country/wild food access and quality. Issues of availability and trends in availability of species are discussed in more detail in Chapters 7, 8 and 9 of this report.

Climate change, variability and weather extremes all have implications for the security of availability and access to safe, nutritious and desired foods for Nunavik and Nunatsiavut households (Figure 2, Figure 3). Warming temperatures and warming of permafrost have negative implications for road and airstrip security and accessibility in northern communities. Changes in these critical transportation infrastructures may influence store food transport and therefore, physical and economic access to food stuffs in small remote communities where many items are already prohibitively expensive for some residents. Work funded under ArcticNet and presented in Chapter 6 of this assessment reports instability of airstrips as a result of current permafrost warming in Nunavik. Conversely, a longer open water season with decreasing sea ice coverage and extent, as is projected for Ungava and James Bay (Chapter 2), and is occurring along the Nunatsiavut Coast (Canada, 2011) will provide greater access to coastal communities throughout the year and make ship transportation more viable. However, the current data on both sides of the equation is insufficient to assess the specific implications in terms of changes in transport costs per region and associated adjustments in food prices as a result of climate warming or variability.

Through changes in animal distributions related to habitat shifts with warming temperatures or shifts in local community ecology (Chapters 7, 8 and 9), and changes in residents’ access to these species as a result of lengthened ice free seasons and increases in uncharacteristic and extreme weather events (Chapter 2), climate change and variability have significant implications for country food security in the two regions (Ford et al. 2008​, Ford et al., 2006, Furgal et al., 2002).

In workshops discussed in Nickels et al. (2005), the majority of Inuit communities reported experiencing impacts on country food security related to changes in environmental conditions in Nunavik and Nunatsiavut. Higher winds in Nunavut and Nunavik communities were reported to make travel and hunting more dangerous by boat in the summer and therefore impact access to seals in open water and whales (Nickels et al., 2005; Ford et al., 2006). In the Inuvialuit Settlement Region, Nunavut and Nunavik, the increased length of the ice free season and decreased ice thickness resulting from warming temperatures was reported to reduce, and make more dangerous, access to ice dependant wildlife species and species that were hunted specifically from the ice (e.g., Ringed seal – Pusa hispida, Narwhal – Monodon monoceros, in Arctic Bay; Nickels et al., 2005; Ford et al., 2006). Lower water levels in rivers and ponds in Labrador were reported to negatively impact access to and health of fish species (Furgal et al., 2002; Labrador Furgal et al., 2005).

As part of the 2004 Inuit Health Survey in Nunavik, participants were asked about influences on their access to country or wild foods. Half of the participants (51%) asked in the survey reported that some animals have become harder to find and hunt during the same season over the past 4 years. The reporting of these difficulties was more common among older age groups, men, and individuals with an income under $20,000. The majority of people who reported that some species were harder to find and catch, specifically identified that caribou (60%) and beluga (53%) were more difficult to find and hunt today. The main reason mentioned for changes in caribou accessibility was related to the fact that they were seen to be further away from the community than they used to be (47%; see Chapter 9). A small number (14%) said the increased difficulties were related to changes in the land, sea or weather conditions. The main reason mentioned for difficulties in locating beluga was that there are fewer of them today (22%) and they have moved away from where they are usually found (18%; Furgal and Rochette, 2007).

In research conducted by Alain and Furgal in Kangiqsualujjuaq, Nunavik with hunters in the community, similar observations were reported (Alain, 2008). However, despite changes having taken place, some hunters reported still being able to locate and access the wildlife they always had for subsistence purposes, but some form of adaptation was needed. Key factors influencing an individual’s ability to continue to locate and hunt species despite the changes in environmental conditions noted above, included the individual’s access to economic resources, their age, the length of time they had been hunting in the community, their access to hunting and fishing equipment and the strategies they stated were being used to continue to adapt to the changing circumstances. Those taking a more proactive approach to adaptation, shifting species hunted or changing routes to access species, were more successful in continuing to harvest species in their typical times of the year (Alain, 2008). However, no evidence existed to support the argument that these pressures on country food access were impacting overall household food security for these individuals (Alain, 2008).

Residents of many Arctic communities across the North have reported that the weather has become more “uncharacteristic” or less predictable and, in some cases, that storm events progress more quickly today than in previous memory (e.g., Nickels et al., 2005; Ford et al., 2006; Huntington and Fox, 2005). Residents involved in these studies report that this unpredictability limits current participation in harvesting activities and travel as well as increases the risks of being stranded or involved in accidents outside of the community (Nickels et al., 2005; Ford et al., 2006; Furgal et al., 2002; Ford and Smit, 2004). Residents of Nunavik and Nunatsiavut have reported this same observation in previous workshops in the two regions (Furgal et al., 2002; Nickels et al., 2005). As well, there is some qualitative evidence to suggest that the incidence of injuries associated with land-based travel and other activities is increasing in coastal communities, however no study to date has looked specifically at this issue.

As reported in the Inuit Health Survey in Nunavik and Chapter 3 of this assessment, the injury and trauma profile for isolated northern regions is characterised by few traffic accidents, but an incident rate related to snowmobiling, boating and ATV use that is significantly higher than in more southern areas (Légaré and Rochette, 2007). Rates for hospitalization due to non-intentional injury show Nunavik with the highest rate of all 18 health regions within the Province of Québec and more than double the rate for the whole population ((ISQ), 2006). Despite the qualitative reports of increasing injury and incidents occurring in association with changing weather conditions, the Qanuippitaa survey reported no increase in injury and trauma between 1992 and 2004 in Nunavik. Among those injured more in the 12 months prior to the survey were men, Ungava Bay community residents, and individuals with more formal education. Injuries were associated with, in order of decreasing importance, sports activities, ATV travel, snowmobiles travel or falls. Thus, while incidents involving transportation represent 40% of all reported injuries there is no clear pattern emerging that environmental variables have a major influence on injuries nor that those participating in more traditional activities (hunting and fishing) and spending more time on the land or at sea are the individuals suffering the most injuries in the region (Légaré and Rochette, 2007). This issue requires further research to investigate community reports of increased injury as a result of storminess and weather variability. No comparable data is yet available for the Nunatsiavut region on this topic.

In addition to providing significant health benefits, country/wild food species are the most significant source of exposure to environmental contaminants such as PCBs, mercury and lead for northern residents ((AMAP) and Programme, 2009, Donaldson et al., 2010, see Chapter 3). The behaviour of these contaminants in the environment is influenced by temperature, and therefore climate warming may indirectly influence peoples’ exposure to these chemicals which are known to adversely affect the immune system and neuromotor development and functioning in children ((AMAP) and Programme, 2009; Muckle et al., 2006). Some modeling studies have shown that projected climate warming in the North Atlantic (0.4-1.0°C) over the current century will increase rates of Hg transformation (methylation) and therefore increase the concentrations of mercury in marine species between 1.7-4.4% and therefore likely have implications for levels of human exposure via consumption of some fish and marine mammals in these regions. Further, evidence exists to suggest that degrading permafrost and melting multi-year sea ice are sources of contaminants for Arctic marine systems as well. Currently, Inuit regions including Nunavik and Nunatsiavut are involved in the monitoring of levels of several contaminants in marine and terrestrial species. This occurs in Nunatsiavut through such studies as the ArcticNet-funded Nunatsiavut Nuluak project (Chapter 10) and in Nunavik through several projects funded under ArcticNet and the Northern Contaminants Program (see Chapters 3, 4, 7 for more information on contaminant issues). In addition to impacts on contaminant levels in wildlife species that may be important food species for residents in the two regions, reports of more frequent extreme summer temperatures in combination with improper preparation techniques have put at risk the safety of traditional fermentation processes in the preparation of igunaq (Furgal et al., 2002; Furgal and Seguin, 2006). At this time, the role of climate in influencing this and other aspects of food safety (e.g., parasite introduction, growth and transmission) is uncertain and requires further investigation in these regions.

The combined effects of climatic changes and environmental variability on food security and health in Nunavik and Nunatsiavut are difficult to predict. They are influenced by local availability and access factors including economic, technological and political forces and presuppose a strong understanding of what the local environment can provide and sustain in the way of natural food resources. Further, they have potential implications for store or market food supply and storage networks throughout the year that have not yet been explored in any detail. What has been documented is the relationship between weather variability and other changes in environmental conditions and their influence on country/wild food access for Inuit in these two, as well as other, regions. Further, a basic understanding of the ways in which individuals have begun to adapt to environmental change pressures on country/wild food access and availability is developing, however, more research is needed.

Individual behavioural changes have included shifting times of hunting activities to match times of safer access or shifts in migration times and locations, and purchase and use of different forms of transportation (e.g., faster or more powerful transportation vehicles, different vehicles) to access hard to reach locations for hunting and gathering because of decreased water levels, increased storms, or changes in route conditions (e.g., using ATV more than skidoo now because of increased snow free season; e.g., Ford et al. 2008​; Furgal, 2008; Furgal and Seguin, 2006). Changes in the availability and accessibility of animals in many regions have been reported (see Chapters 7 and 9) and some community members (e.g., elderly people, those without the technological or financial means) have not been able to adapt, continuing to hunt as much as they have in the past. Some communities (e.g., Ivujivik, Nunavik as in Nickels et al. (2005)) have reported a greater need for support mechanisms such as community freezer programs to ensure access for all members of the community throughout the year, and for the development and use of inter-community trade programs to ensure food access at the regional level (e.g., Communities of Nunavik. et al., 2005). A review of community and regional food support mechanisms conducted by Rajdev and Furgal (in review) in Nunavik identified a number of important programs that support access to healthy foods for community residents. Among them, the Hunter Support Program supported by the Kativik Regional Government (including the community freezer country food distribution), and the Nain community freezer program, are prime examples of support mechanisms that aid in adaptation to stresses on country/wild food access throughout the year caused by climate change and environmental variability. However, it is important to note that some of the responses being adopted at the individual level in response to climate and environmental change have potential indirect impacts as well (e.g., increased costs associated with more powerful means of transportation). In response to changes in accessibility, experienced hunters in Nunavik communities have been able to cope, reporting that they have not yet felt impacts that have changed the amount they harvest, rather simply how, when, where and how much they invest to access, harvest and store the same species (Alain, 2008; Tremblay et al., 2008; Lafortune et al., 2004).

The information presented in this chapter represents work conducted in many regions, but highlights, the work conducted in Nunavik and Nunatsiavut on this topic. As a result, some extrapolations have been made from work being conducted in Nunavut and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region that were deemed applicable or relevant for Nunavik and Nunatsiavut. Given the current status of food insecurity in the two regions, the health outcomes associated with poor food security and nutrition, and the transition taking place today in many Inuit communities towards greater consumption of many market food items of poorer nutrient quality, a much greater understanding of food security and nutrient status and the factors influencing these issues, including climate change and variability, is needed in these two regions, and elsewhere. Further, important investments in environmental and public health surveillance and monitoring for key issues, including those influenced by environmental change, are encouraged (e.g., Owens et al., 2009). Food security is threatened from the perspective of availability of healthy and nutritious foods and those of high cultural desire and value, safe and secure year round access to country/wild food species, and changing food quality. There are associations with climate and environmental change for each of these components of food security in the two regions (Figure 2, Figure 3). As a result, greater focus is required on this topic and the adaptations taking place and needed to support sustained food security and healthy diet behaviour in the future.